Not for Nothing - C Instruments

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A Journey Through a Musical Possibility Space

I say unto you, Nay, they are b many ; yea, and we can witness of their sincerity, because of their love towards their brethren and also towards us. Behold, I say unto you, Nay, there has not, even among the Nephites. But behold how a many of these have laid down their lives; and we know that they have gone to their God, because of their love and of their hatred to sin. Yea, I say unto you, there never were men that had so great reason to rejoice as we, since the world began; yea, and my joy is carried away, even unto boasting in my God; for he has all a power , b all wisdom, and all understanding; he comprehendeth all things, and he is a c merciful Being, even unto salvation, to those who will repent and believe on his name.

Yea, blessed is the name of my God, who has been mindful of this people, who are a b branch of the tree of Israel, and has been c lost from its body in a strange land; yea, I say, blessed be the name of my God, who has been mindful of us, d wanderers in a strange land. Now this is my joy, and my great thanksgiving; yea, and I will give thanks unto my God forever. Members Quick Links. NI Community Forum. Money for nothing and consumer satisfaction for free! Messages: I think putting the UL inside of reaktor would improve the amount of ratings and reviews.

Messages: 6, Messages: 2, BenHoward , Apr 28, Messages: 3, The bandwidth problem for high performance cloud computing is far from being solved. It is a problem that requires massive investment from hundreds of ISPs and governments, significant scientific research and investment in technology, and is not something that will be solved in a few years, or probably even in the next few decades.

Maybe sometime in the s or s we can revisit this idea, but for now Reaktor will remain a PC app. Even in a cloud computing model there is the assumption that an all purpose CPU is available to the client, and I don't see those CPUs becoming any less powerful than they already are.

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Especially not in devices best suited to running a modular DSP environment such as Reaktor desktops, laptops and to some degree tablets. James Nicholl , Apr 28, Hehe, nice to see this has sparked a debate, although a bit out of where it was intended to go. With my tin-foil hat on, I'm not that big a fan of required internet access myself - or the countless possibilities EvilBigCo has to surveil us. That is why, I at least, use disconnect.

When that is said, I do like a lot of the possibilities EvilBigCo has given us through cloud services the last years, and I would love to see those implemented in a far greater scale than it is in its current state. The second advance came with manufacture, which again made mobile a mass of natural capital, and altogether increased the mass of movable capital as against that of natural capital.

At the same time, manufacture became a refuge of the peasants from the guilds which excluded them or paid them badly, just as earlier the guild-towns had [served] as a refuge for the peasants from [the oppressive landed nobility]. Simultaneously with the beginning of manufactures there was a period of vagabondage caused by the abolition of the feudal bodies of retainers, the disbanding of the swollen armies which had flocked to serve the kings against their vassals, the improvement of agriculture, and the transformation of great strips of tillage into pasture land.

From this alone it is clear how this vagabondage is strictly connected with the disintegration of the feudal system. As early as the thirteenth century we find isolated epochs of this kind, but only at the end of the fifteenth and beginning of the sixteenth does this vagabondage make a general and permanent appearance. These vagabonds, who were so numerous that, for instance, Henry VIII of England had 72, of them hanged, were only prevailed upon to work with the greatest difficulty and through the most extreme necessity, and then only after long resistance.

The rapid rise of manufactures, particularly in England, absorbed them gradually.

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With the advent of manufactures, the various nations entered into a competitive relationship, the struggle for trade, which was fought out in wars, protective duties and prohibitions, whereas earlier the nations, insofar as they were connected at all, had carried on an inoffensive exchange with each other. Trade had from now on a political significance.

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With the advent of manufacture the relationship between worker and employer changed. In the guilds the patriarchal relationship between journeyman and master continued to exist; in manufacture its place was taken by the monetary relation between worker and capitalist — a relationship which in the countryside and in small towns retained a patriarchal tinge, but in the larger, the real manufacturing towns, quite early lost almost all patriarchal complexion.

Manufacture and the movement of production in general received an enormous impetus through the extension of commerce which came with the discovery of America and the sea-route to the East Indies. The new products imported thence, particularly the masses of gold and silver which came into circulation and totally changed the position of the classes towards one another, dealing a hard blow to feudal landed property and to the workers; the expeditions of adventurers, colonisation; and above all the extension of markets into a world market, which had now become possible and was daily becoming more and more a fact, called forth a new phase of historical development, into which in general we cannot here enter further.

Through the colonisation of the newly discovered countries the commercial struggle of the nations amongst one another was given new fuel and accordingly greater extension and animosity. The expansion of trade and manufacture accelerated the accumulation of movable capital, while in the guilds, which were not stimulated to extend their production, natural capital remained stationary or even declined. Trade and manufacture created the big bourgeoisie; in the guilds was concentrated the petty bourgeoisie, which no longer was dominant in the towns as formerly, but had to bow to the might of the great merchants and manufacturers.

Hence the decline of the guilds, as soon as they came into contact with manufacture. The intercourse of nations took on, in the epoch of which we have been speaking, two different forms.

At first the small quantity of gold and silver in circulation involved the ban on the export of these metals; and industry, for the most part imported from abroad and made necessary by the need for employing the growing urban population, could not do without those privileges which could be granted not only, of course, against home competition, but chiefly against foreign. The local guild privilege was in these original prohibitions extended over the whole nation.

Customs duties originated from the tributes which the feudal lords exacted as protective levies against robbery from merchants passing through their territories, tributes later imposed likewise by the towns, and which, with the rise of the modern states, were the Treasury's most obvious means of raising money. The appearance of American gold and silver on the European markets, the gradual development of industry, the rapid expansion of trade and the consequent rise of the non-guild bourgeoisie and of money, gave these measures another significance.

The State, which was daily less and less able to do without money, now retained the ban on the export of gold and silver out of fiscal considerations; the bourgeois, for whom these masses of money which were hurled onto the market became the chief object of speculative buying, were thoroughly content with this; privileges established earlier became a source of income for the government and were sold for money; in the customs legislation there appeared the export duty, which, since it only [placed] a hindrance in the way of industry, had a purely fiscal aim.

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The second period began in the middle of the seventeenth century and lasted almost to the end of the eighteenth. Commerce and navigation had expanded more rapidly than manufacture, which played a secondary role; the colonies were becoming considerable consumers; and after long struggles the separate nations shared out the opening world market among themselves.

This period begins with the Navigation Laws [2] and colonial monopolies. The competition of the nations among themselves was excluded as far as possible by tariffs, prohibitions and treaties; and in the last resort the competitive struggle was carried on and decided by wars especially naval wars. The mightiest maritime nation, the English, retained preponderance in trade and manufacture.

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Here, already, we find concentration in one country. Manufacture was all the time sheltered by protective duties in the home market, by monopolies in the colonial market, and abroad as much as possible by differential duties. The working-up of home-produced material was encouraged wool and linen in England, silk in France , the export of home-produced raw material forbidden wool in England , and the [working-up] of imported material neglected or suppressed cotton in England. The nation dominant in sea trade and colonial power naturally secured for itself also the greatest quantitative and qualitative expansion of manufacture.

Manufacture could not be carried on without protection, since, if the slightest change takes place in other countries, it can lose its market and be ruined; under reasonably favourable conditions it may easily be introduced into a country, but for this very reason can easily be destroyed.

At the same time through the mode in which it is carried on, particularly in the eighteenth century, in the countryside, it is to such an extent interwoven with the vital relationships of a great mass of individuals, that no country dare jeopardise its existence by permitting free competition. Insofar as it manages to export, it therefore depends entirely on the extension or restriction of commerce, and exercises a relatively very small reaction [on the latter]. Hence its secondary [importance] and the influence of [the merchants] in the eighteenth century. It was the merchants and especially the shippers who more than anybody else pressed for State protection and monopolies; the manufacturers also demanded and indeed received protection, but all the time were inferior in political importance to the merchants.

The commercial towns, particularly the maritime towns, became to some extent civilised and acquired the outlook of the big bourgeoisie, but in the factory towns an extreme petty-bourgeois outlook persisted. Cf Aikin, [3] etc. The eighteenth century was the century of trade. This period is also characterised by the cessation of the bans on the export of gold and silver and the beginning of the trade in money; by banks, national debts, paper money; by speculation in stocks and shares and stockjobbing in all articles; by the development of finance in general.

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Again capital lost a great part of the natural character which had still clung to it. The concentration of trade and manufacture in one country, England, developing irresistibly in the seventeenth century, gradually created for this country a relative world market, and thus a demand for the manufactured products of this country, which could no longer be met by the industrial productive forces hitherto existing. This demand, outgrowing the productive forces, was the motive power which, by producing big industry — the application of elemental forces to industrial ends, machinery and the most complex division of labour — called into existence the third period of private ownership since the Middle Ages.

There already existed in England the other pre-conditions of this new phase: freedom of competition inside the nation, the development of theoretical mechanics, etc. Indeed, the science of mechanics perfected by Newton was altogether the most popular science in France and England in the eighteenth century. Free competition inside the nation itself had everywhere to be conquered by a revolution — and in England, in France. Competition soon compelled every country that wished to retain its historical role to protect its manufactures by renewed customs regulations the old duties were no longer any good against big industry and soon after to introduce big industry under protective duties.

Big industry universalised competition in spite of these protective measures it is practical free trade; the protective duty is only a palliative, a measure of defence within free trade , established means of communication and the modern world market, subordinated trade to itself, transformed all capital into industrial capital, and thus produced the rapid circulation development of the financial system and the centralisation of capital. By universal competition it forced all individuals to strain their energy to the utmost.

It destroyed as far as possible ideology, religion, morality, etc. It produced world history for the first time, insofar as it made all civilised nations and every individual member of them dependent for the satisfaction of their wants on the whole world, thus destroying the former natural exclusiveness of separate nations. It made natural science subservient to capital and took from the division of labour the last semblance of its natural character.

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It destroyed natural growth in general, as far as this is possible while labour exists, and resolved all natural relationships into money relationships. In the place of naturally grown towns it created the modern, large industrial cities which have sprung up overnight. Wherever it penetrated, it destroyed the crafts and all earlier stages of industry. It completed the victory of the commercial town over the countryside. These productive forces received under the system of private property a one-sided development only, and became for the majority destructive forces; moreover, a great multitude of such forces could find no application at all within this system.

Generally speaking, big industry created everywhere the same relations between the classes of society, and thus destroyed the peculiar individuality of the various nationalities. And finally, while the bourgeoisie of each nation still retained separate national interests, big industry created a class, which in all nations has the same interest and with which nationality is already dead; a class which is really rid of all the old world and at the same time stands pitted against it.

Big industry makes for the worker not only the relation to the capitalist, but labour itself, unbearable. It is evident that big industry does not reach the same level of development in all districts of a country.

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